Rome: the city of memories. Or, why and how reconstruct and visualize ancient and post-antique Rome using digital technologies? 
	                                     The AIS ROMA, diachronic and phase maps of (ancient) Rome in the WWW - Short Version*

Chrystina HÄUBER

Rome: the city of memories. Or, why and how reconstruct and visualize ancient and post-antique Rome using digital technologies? The "AIS ROMA", diachronic and phase maps of (ancient) Rome in the WWW - Short Version*

My presentation is divided into two Parts. Part I deals with a distinct scholarly perspective, Part II with a perspective that scholars and tourists share. Part I is dedicated to a special kind of `memory´: the more than 1,000 years of international scholarship on Rome that creates pitfalls for anyone who tries to reconstruct the ancient city today. I will discuss examples that I have come across in my own map-project, which I am conducting since 2003 together with Franz Xaver Schütz and further cooperation partners. Its main objective is to draw maps of Rome within the Aurelianic Walls; for this purpose we developed the information system "AIS ROMA"^¹. My maps are based on the official photogrammetric data of the Comune di Roma, now called Roma Capitale that the Sovraintendenza ai Beni Culturali of Roma Capitale has generously provided us with^².

I dedicate my contribution to a painter, the late Prof. Wilhelm Menning^³ (Fig. 1), head of the Kunstseminar (`art seminar´) Duisburg and to his colleagues, the classical archaeologist Dr. Karina Türr and the ancient historian and Etruscologist Dr. Stephan Türr, the late sculptor Kurt Sandweg^⁴ and the artist Martin Goppelsröder. Prof. Menning and his colleagues took us students of the art seminar in September of 1972 to Rome; and to the late classical archaeologist and expert in the topography of ancient Rome, Prof. Lucos Cozza (Università degli Studi di Perugia)^⁵ (Fig. 2), whom I first met in 1981 in the library of the British School at Rome.

In return for sponsoring our trip to Rome in September of 1972 our chancellor had suggested that we should produce ourselves artworks while in Rome to be shown in an exhibition afterwards^⁶. Prof. Menning alerted us to famous artworks in Rome, to books about the City of Rome and its history, and to artists, who had worked in Rome.

Since I have had the good fortune to work with Prof. Dr. Jürgen Schmude and Prof. Dr. Gordon Winder at the Research- and Teaching Unit of Economic Geography and Tourism-Research of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität (LMU) München since March of 2011^⁷, I have reflected again upon the experiences back in 1972 and realized that my being a tourist when I first came to Rome is an important part of the kind of research I am conducting. Our teachers of the art seminar had tried very hard to make us students not to behave like tourists when in Rome, which is regarded in Tourism-Research a typical concern of many tourists^⁸. Martin Goppelsröder had therefore given us Mark Twain's satirical report on his own trip together with some compatriots to Europe and the Holy Land, called The Innocents Abroad, first published in 1869^⁹; nevertheless we proved to be at least as `innocent´ as those. Further, the multidisciplinarity of this art seminar has influenced my scholarly approach to the City of Rome. My experience with these professors of art was that they treated us as younger colleagues from the first day they accepted us as their students^¹⁰. Therefore, the ideas that they discussed with us on this trip to Rome in 1972 still keep me busy today. At the time, none of us was able to solve the questions we had on site, and I will tell you in the following some examples. It were Prof. Lucos Cozza, the classicist and ancient historian Prof. T.P. Wiseman (University of Exeter) and other scholars, whom I met since December of 1980 in the library of the British School at Rome and in the Comune di Roma/ Roma Capitale, who taught me a suitable approach to solve such problems: the study of the topography of (ancient) Rome.

One of Lucos Cozza's most important research interests was the Severan marble plan. It was him, who studied and documented in 1948^¹¹ in a measured plan the `morphology´ of the ancient wall^¹² at the Templum Pacis in Rome, to which once this largest Rome map ever made that we know of was attached (18,10 m wide and 13 m high, with north at the bottom, in total ca. 235 square meters of plan, the scale was 1: 240, the plan is datable to 205-208 AD^¹³). Only about 10 % of the marble plan have survived, and 5 % of those fragments are securely located thanks to Cozza's brilliant idea to reconstruct the scheme of the original marble veneer panelling, into which the plan was incised^¹⁴. Cozza thus enabled countless scholars after him to work with this ancient Rome plan, a tool of absolutely immeasurable potential, especially because only the fragments of this Severan marble plan document parts of the urban fabric of the ancient city. Lucos Cozza is therefore for Part I of my talk, in which I will present you my scholarly problems related to my maps, the ideal reference person. Interestingly, Lucos Cozza is also for Part II of my talk, in which I will discuss reconstructions that scholars and tourists alike are interested in, the ideal reference person. When in Rome in 1972, all of us bought ourselves Rom wie es war und wie es ist^¹⁵, which was published in several languages. Amanda Claridge only told me much later that Lucos Cozza was also the author of this booklet for tourists which shows photographs of the current situation of ancient buildings, as well as reconstructions of their appearance in antiquity, seen from the same angle.

I have chosen as my first example a bird's eye view reconstruction from the Atlante di Roma antica (`Atlas of ancient Rome´) by Andrea Carandini and Paolo Carafa^¹⁶, which I compare with a detail of my own diachronic map of exactly the same area (Fig. 3^¹⁷). My map is "2D", the "3D"-image in Carandini, Carafa is also based on a ground-plan, but the underlying philosophy is quite different - apart from the different orientation. Because my maps are based on the photogrammetric data of Roma Capitale, north on them is in the upper-middle border. Whereas Franz Xaver Schütz and I reduce the reconstructions of ground-plans to a minimum, the reconstruction in the Atlante di Roma antica is based on two principles: analogy (with different buildings) and symmetry (assuming that the architectural remains documented on site are parts of larger, symmetrical units)^¹⁸. In addition to that, the reconstruction of this huge building as the House of Augustus rests on two assumptions, (1) that small architectural remains found underneath the Church of S. Anastasia belong to the domus (House) of Republican date, excavated immediately to the west and east of the temple of Apollo, and (2) that all these remains belong to the same palatial domus which may securely be identified as the House of Augustus (or rather of Octavian, as Augustus was named until 27 BC). These assumptions have been refuted by other scholars. The shortest distance between S. Anastasia and the so-called House of Augustus is ca. 75 m (Fig. 3, labels: S. Anastasia; DOMUS / TEMPLUM: APOLLO; DOMUS "AUGUSTUS").

I am not going to discuss this reconstructed part of ancient Rome here in detail, but follow on my map Fig. 3 the results of T.P. Wiseman's research on the House of Augustus and the Temple of Apollo^¹⁹, as well as Amanda Claridge's^²⁰ research on the Temple of Apollo, which is why I have labelled the house in question: DOMUS "AUGUSTUS" on my map, indicating with the inverted commas that this is in my opinion the so-called House of Augustus. To sum up my first point: reconstruction begins already with ground-plans, which is why those have to be as accurate as possible. And: every reconstruction must be accompanied by a text. I have discussed my (in the meantime updated) map of the Palatine Fig. 3 in a manuscript and intend to publish it^²¹.

On my map (Fig. 4^²²) are marked five different locations of the temple of Iuppiter Stator. This, my second example, is also connected to my first. Because, provided we knew where the temple of Iuppiter Stator stood, this would have consequences for the location of the House of Augustus^²³. I have mapped those five suggestions in order to help newcomers to the field to realize that currently so many different opinions exist concerning the location of this temple. As we have heard in T.P. Wiseman's talk, there are endless consequences, when we start to follow up either one of these suggestions. The reason for that is a phenomenon, which I suggest to call a `cluster of toponyms´, meaning that a group of other toponyms is `attached to´ the temple of Iuppiter Stator. This means that one of these can only securely be located, provided all the others can convincingly be identified.

Another typical possible pitfall in studying the topography of ancient Rome is provided by the fact that Rome has had during her long history a number of different city-walls with numerous gates, the names of which we know from ancient literary sources (Fig. 5^²⁴). There were altogether three ancient city-walls. (1) the wall of the pre-urban settlement on the Palatine (that wall has in part been excavated, the settlement itself is datable to the 10^th century BC). Ancient tradition attributed this settlement to the mythical founder of Rome, Romulus, who had allegedly founded Rome in the middle of the 8^th century BC (this supposed city Roma quadrata is drawn on Fig. 5 as a green area between four recorded ancient toponyms, bordered by a dotted line because we do not know the precise locations of those toponyms, nor the actual size of Roma quadrata). (2) the so-called Servian city-wall, built in the 6^th century BC and restored in the 4^th century BC (which borders the yellow area on my map), and (3) the Aurelianic Walls, the first phase of which were built 271-275 AD (which border the violet area on my map). There are many examples, in which the names of city-gates in Rome have been attributed to the wrong city-walls. One of the reasons being the fact that the so-called Servian city-wall - that only survives in small sections - was unknown for many centuries, which is why the names of its gates were attributed to gates in the still standing Aurelianic Walls. This set of problems creates even nowadays a lot of confusion.

Architectural fragments dating to the Republican period, found at the foot of the Capitoline Hill, which have been attributed to five different ancient buildings

All the above mentioned examples seem simple, when compared with the topographical problems related to the Capitoline. My map Fig. 6^²⁵ shows that the Capitoline Hill used to have two distinct parts in antiquity that were called Capitolium and Arx respectively. The architectural fragments in question are on display at the foot of the Capitoline below the `Tabularium´ that overlooks the Forum Romanum, and precisely on the north-west side of the excavated section of the ancient road called CLIVUS CAPITOLINUS, right behind the AEDES: DEI CONSENTES for someone going in south-west direction up to the Capitolium (Fig. 6). On the opposite side (to the north-east) of this road stands the temple of Saturn, labelled: AEDES: SATURNUS. Since I have already published this example^²⁶, I wish to mention only a few points: none of the contemporary authors who discussed those architectural fragments recently knew that they have been attributed to so many different buildings (Pirro Ligorio: temple of Saturn, R. Delbrück: porticoes on top of the Tabularium, C. Reusser: temple of Fides on the Capitolium, H. v. Hesberg: temple of Honos and Virtus on the Arx and P.L. Tucci: temple of Iuno Moneta on top of the `Tabularium´. P. Pensabene suggested to me [personal communication] that Pirro Ligorio refers to the here discussed architectural fragments and that they certainly do not belong to the temple of Saturn because of their building material, travertine. He himself does not attribute those fragments to a specific architecture known from ancient literary sources). One thing is clear: as in the case of the five different locations suggested for the temple of Iuppiter Stator, not all five attributions concerning those architectural fragments can possibly be true.

What is the reason for the just mentioned confusion? The answer is very simple: for many centuries the true location of the main market place of the City of Rome, the Roman Forum, had been forgotten, see on Fig. 6 the label: FORUM ROMANUM, which indicates its true location. Scholars in past centuries had tried to locate the Roman Forum, inter alia by studying another such `cluster of toponyms´ which centers around the Saxum Tarpeium (`the rock of Tarpeia´), that, as we know from literary sources, had been visible from the Roman Forum. T.P. Wiseman^²⁷ has studied the four different locations on the Capitoline Hill that in the past have been identified as the Saxum Tarpeium (together with the resulting four different locations of the Forum Romanum). Wiseman's location of the Saxum Tarpeium on the south-east side of the Arx (cf. Fig. 6, label: SAXUM TARPEIUM) is now communis opinio, but although also one of the above mentioned authors who discussed the architectural fragments accepted this^²⁸, he overlooked that previous authors, on whose opinion he had based his own hypothesis, had (erroneously) located the Saxum Tarpeium on the Capitolium right above the Church of S. Omobono (for that church, cf. infra). Further difficulties, which this author did not realize, lie in the fact that the ruin of the ancient temple of Saturn had accommodated in post-antique times various buildings, for example the Church of S. Salvatore de Statera. This fact had been forgotten soon after the temple had been cleared of most of these later additions in the early 19^th century in the course of its first `excavation´^²⁹. When Pirro Ligorio described in 1528 the architectural fragments discussed here, he referred to this Church (which existed at his time), by saying that they had occurred in its vicinity, as well as in the vicinity of a hospital, the former location of which I have likewise marked on Fig. 6 to the south-west of the temple of Saturn (labels: AEDES: SATURNUS / S. Salvatore de Statera; site of the Ospedale di S. Maria in Portico per le donne^³⁰).

Because S. Salvatore de Statera (and therefore the temple of Saturn) had erroneously been located by some authors north of S. Omobono (Fig. 6, label: S. Omobono) - this erroneous location of S. Salvatore de Statera depended on the erroneous location of the Saxum Tarpeium above S. Omobono, mentioned earlier - this author did not realize that at the site in question had stood the contemporary Church of S. Stefano "de Fovea"^³¹ (cf. Fig. 6). Also the Church of S. Omobono represents the center of an own `cluster of toponyms´. The just described error could not be recognized because of two facts, which further complicate the situation. (1) the orientation of S. Omobono had been changed after a major landslide occurring on the Capitolium (for the following cf. Fig. 6). The new Church of S. Omobono was built in the second half of the 15^th century and was oriented north, towards the road currently called Vico Iugario. This is the still standing Church of S. Omobono. Like the previous church (that had been severely damaged by the landslide) it is accommodated in the ancient temple B within the "Area sacra [di] S. Omobono", but the previous church had been oriented south, towards the road currently called Via Bucimazza^³² (cf. Fig. 6). The here discussed author did not realize these facts, when analysing one of the modern literary sources which mention S. Omobono and came therefore to wrong conclusions. (2) hospitals usually had, when built (or already existing) at Pirro Ligorio's time, a house for men and a house for women. The latter fact which was unknown to this author is crucial for the understanding of Pirro Ligorio's report on the architectural fragments discussed here. All the above mentioned errors taken together had far reaching consequences for this author's^³³ own (erroneous) location of the temple of Fides which once stood on the Capitolium.

Solutions to complex problems like this are only obtainable thanks to an interdisciplinary and at the same time diachronic approach. We need in this example to know, for what purpose the ancient buildings (here the temple of Saturn) had been used in post-antique periods, before they were `excavated´ and studied. We need also to know all available archival data and old maps relating to this area, knowledge, which enables us then to find on such old maps and in archival documents that in this area there had been an `Ospedale di S. Maria in Portico´ (which had changed its name several times over the centuries and is documented on all old maps of Rome), to which two separate buildings had belonged, one for men and one for women. The hospital for the "Uomini feriti" (`wounded men´), as it is called on G.B. Nolli's large map (1748), had been accommodated in a building immediately to the south of that for the women^³⁴, which is currently housing the fire brigade, see the following label on Fig. 6: Cortile Caserma Vigili Urbani.

The controversy concerning the locations of the toponyms Velia, Carinae, Mons Oppius and Fagutal

With this, my most complicated example, I reach the end of Part I of my talk. My map on Fig. 7^³⁵ shows a detail of the archaic procession of the priests called Argei that has been described by Varro (Ling. 5,45-54). One of the aims that I am pursuing with my maps is to support people, who want to visualize processes within the city like the one shown here, which is indicated by the yellow arrows. On the other hand this map shows the ancient toponyms Velia, Carinae, Mons Oppius and Fagutal, the locations of which are controversial (we know from literary sources that the hill-top Fagutal was part of the Mons Oppius and that both the Mons Oppius and the Mons Cispius belonged to the Esquiline; cf. Fig. 7). Again, all these toponyms are the centres of own `clusters of toponyms´, but the main difference between those multifaceted scholarly opinions lies in the fact that most scholars locate the Fagutal near the Church of S. Pietro in Vincoli (a Church located slightly to the east of the lettering `MONS OPPIUS´ on Fig. 7), whereas others locate the Fagutal near the Church of S. Martino ai Monti and near the cistern called `Sette Sale´ (as I do on my maps; cf. Fig. 7, label: FAGUTAL). Both hypotheses have consequences for all the other here mentioned toponyms.

Which one of these hypotheses is correct? I believe Filippo Coarelli's suggestion^³⁶, whom I follow on my maps. In addition to Coarelli's own arguments, I believe his hypothesis is true, because scholars, who locate the Fagutal near S. Pietro in Vincoli, neglect much of the research that has been conducted since the 1970s^³⁷ on the eastern part of the Mons Oppius (an area comprising the eastern half of Fig. 7), especially in the course of research projects initiated by Eugenio La Rocca^³⁸. A recent analysis of part of this material proves that the highest point of this area (57,03 m above sea level), where in my opinion the Fagutal should be assumed (Fig. 7, labels: 57,03 m; FAGUTAL), was occupied by an archaic settlement that had previously been overlooked^³⁹. Latin inscriptions found in this area prove that Iuppiter was worshipped here, which is a clear indication that the hypothesis to locate the lucus (sacred grove) of Iuppiter Fagutalis in this area is true. Besides, Iuppiter was always worshipped on the highest hilltops, the alternative location of the Fagutal, the area where the Church of S. Pietro in Vincoli stands, is only 43,69 m high (cf. Fig. 7)^⁴⁰.

From the last example in Part I of my talk, in which I have shown you a distinct scholarly approach to reconstructions of ancient Rome, we move in Part II to a different aspect of reconstructions, one, which is interesting for scholars and tourists alike. We therefore turn to a different area of the City, the Porta del Popolo in the Aurelianic Walls, and to an event that took place about 2000 years later.

The entry of Martin Luther (1483-1546^⁴¹) into Rome through the Porta del Popolo (1511)

When in Rome 1972, Prof. Menning led us to the Porta del Popolo within the Aurelianic Walls (Fig. 8), because for about 1500 years this was the main entrance of Rome in the north^⁴², which means that also all the pilgrims, artists and other visitors to Rome from north European countries had entered the `Eternal City´ through this gate. Our teachers wanted at least in the case of two of these individuals that we should try to imagine what their feelings might have been like. In the case of Martin Luther, Prof. Menning even suggested to `follow his path´ from the moment he arrived at the Porta del Popolo all the way to the Vatican. I wish to alert you with this example to the great importance that itineraries have in the shaping of the image of a city and in the shaping of our memories of it. Itineraries were already published in antiquity and since the Middle Ages countless guide-books have been written about Rome which have greatly influenced our understanding of the City^⁴³. Adjacent to the inner side of the Porta del Popolo there is the Church of S. Maria del Popolo (Fig. 8).

When Luther came to Rome in 1511, he was not yet a Reformer. Heinrich Gelzer wrote about him: "A vow had led young Luther into a monastery; another vow (added to a commission from his monastery) took him to Rome"^⁴⁴. At that stage, Luther was an Augustine monk, which is why he stayed overnight at the former Convent of the Augustines which had belonged to the Church of S. Maria del Popolo, and stood adjacent to it in the south-east. This Convent^⁴⁵ was destroyed in the early 19^thcentury to make space for the much enlarged Piazza del Popolo (Fig. 8). Whereas we had no problems to imagine that, Luther's further walk towards the Basilica of St. Peter was quite a different matter. Also in retrospect I must admit that it would be extremely difficult to reconstruct a possible itinerary, because the earliest measured map we could use for the purpose, that by Leonardo Bufalini, was only published in 1551.

Postcards showing St. Peter, Castel S. Angelo, Via della Conciliazione, Bernini colonnades^⁴⁶

Apart from the castle Castel S. Angelo none of these buildings existed already, when Martin Luther visited the City of Rome. Prof. Menning's plan that we should re-enact Luther's shock about the new Basilica of St. Peter was a great success. Although this is not my major concern here, let me add the observation that, contrary to what was thought in the 19^th century and still in 1972 about Luther's motives to become a Reformer, more recent scholars do not consider this aspect of Luther's experiences in Rome at that stage as of so much importance any more^⁴⁷. For my talk I had deliberately chosen postcards that show the buildings in question, because, apart from the famous itineraries through Rome published in guide-books, it is these sights, as captured in earlier centuries on paintings and etchings (the so-called vedutes) and nowadays on postcards, that shape our `memory´ of cities like Rome, and of course also our expectations. `Hunting down´ famous sights does not help to understand a city, of course, because these buildings are like famous arias of an opera or songs of a musical that everyone knows - only when one sees this opera or musical on stage, the context of these `highlights´ will be fully understood.

In order to teach us contexts, Prof. Menning had thought of guiding us through Rome `following the paths´ of famous visitors, which could help us to understand their time. He chose, apart from Martin Luther, the poet and scientist Johann Wolfgang von Goethe because his sojourn in Rome and Italy had a great impact on Goethe's own work, and Kronprinz Ludwig, the future King Ludwig I of Bavaria, because he had been an important sponsor of artists. He entrusted the elaboration of the latter two itineraries to me. Unfortunately, I did not succeed in planning either itinerary, and I tell you this here, because later, when living in Rome (1980-85) and working there occasionally as a tourist guide, I made very similar experiences again^⁴⁸.

The entry of Christina of Sweden (1626-1689) into Rome took place on December 23^rd, 1655 through the Porta del Popolo

But let's go back to the Porta del Popolo once again (Fig. 8). Our teachers had discussed with us the entry into Rome through this city-gate of two individuals, Martin Luther and the abdicated Queen Christina of Sweden. Christina, the daughter of the Swedish King Gustav II Adolph, one of the protagonists of the Thirty Years War on the protestant side, succeeded her father as heiress presumptive at the age of six. When eighteen, she became Queen of Sweden^⁴⁹. In 1654, she abdicated, converted to catholicism and decided to live in Rome^⁵⁰.

Eight ancient marble statues of Muses once in the possession of Queen Christina of Sweden

I wish to mention Christina of Sweden here, because it is (1) typical for tourists to visit sights (in Rome) to which they have some kind of personal relationship; and because (2) we heard stories about Christina of Sweden when in Rome 1972 which sounded even more fantastic than the facts. As for my first point, one of our teachers, Dr. Karina Türr, had just published her Dissertation in Classical Archaeology. In this book, she had also discussed the eight ancient statues of Muses^⁵¹ that had once been in the collection of Christina of Sweden, who had acquired them in Rome and that are now in the Museo del Prado at Madrid. (2) as the following will show, we were often unable to distinguish between historical facts and stories. I will also tell you why we - unconsciously - made up ourselves some (details) of the stories we told each other on site - this too is obviously typical for all tourists.

The reconstructed ground-plan of the Mausoleum of the Roman emperor Hadrian (built in the 120s until 139 AD)^⁵² that I showed in my talk was copied after the Atlante di Roma antica by Andrea Carandini and Paolo Carafa^⁵³, whereas in my own map Fig. 8, drawn after the photogrammetric data of the Comune di Roma/ Roma Capitale, the ground-plan of the building appears as it looks like today, the castle Castel S. Angelo. The ancient tomb consists of a `solid cylinder set in a square base, the cylinder was 225 Roman feet in diameter (ca. 64 m), 72 Roman feet high (or higher; ca. 21 m), rising out of a base 300 Roman feet wide (ca. 89 m), 40 Roman feet (ca. 15 m) high´^⁵⁴. Our little group reached Castel S. Angelo that day when we wandered from the Porta del Popolo to the Basilica of St. Peter, in order `to follow the path of Martin Luther´. We came from the east and saw the building, in front of it a road, and to our left the Tiber.

Kurt Sandweg was my teacher in sculpture and when he shook his head and said `she can't make it´, we all knew he was talking about the character Floria Tosca in Giacomo Puccini's^⁵⁵ opera Tosca. Following his eyes, we all imagined her jumping down from Castel S. Angelo in the direction of the Tiber - and agreed with him that she could not possibly have reached the river. Our historian, Dr. Stephan Türr, smiled and said: don't worry, the road in front of Castel S. Angelo did not yet exist at the time, when the opera Tosca is set (i. e. on the 17^th and 18^th June of 1800). Dr. Türr explained to us that the embankments of the Tiber together with the roads on both sides of the river, built on top of them, were only planned after the great flood of the river in 1870, and built in the 1880s-1890s. But we were sad that we did not have vedutes or maps of Rome at hand which could have shown us what the area around Castel S. Angelo had looked like in 1800. But note that our entire discussion was based on an error, as we shall see in a minute.

Because I wanted to know, how the director of the opera would solve this - presumed - problem, I went on July 12^th, 1982 in the Opera de Paris to see Tosca (this did not solve my problem though, since, as usual in all performances I saw so far she just jumped into the off). By reading as preparation for this talk how Giuseppe Giocosa and Luigi Illica, who wrote the libretto of the opera Tosca for Puccini, comment on this scene, I finally realized that they do not say at all: `Tosca jumps into the Tiber´, but rather that she jumps down - meaning from one of the terraces of Castel S. Angelo, and thus to her death. This is, of course, perfectly possible, when considering the enormous height of this building.

After our discussion about Floria Tosca, we bought ourselves tickets and visited Castel S. Angelo. As soon as we had reached one of the terraces on top, someone of our group, looking in the direction of the Pincio, said: and from here or a point near-by Christina of Sweden must have shot the cannon ball, with which she hit the portal of the Villa Medici over there to remind a friend of their appointment^⁵⁶. This caused another vivid discussion, this time about militaria, of which I did (and still do) not understand a word. Anyhow, our question concerning the distance to the portal of Villa Medici I can answer now, as the brown line on my map Fig. 8 indicates: the shortest distance (as the crow flies) between Castel S. Angelo and the portal of Villa Medici is 1350 m. By looking from Castel S. Angelo towards the Pincio (Fig. 8), we had, of course, our doubts whether the story about Christina of Sweden hitting the portal of Villa Medici with a cannon ball could be true. Being up there and looking down to the ground, I had also doubts concerning another story which is connected with Castel S. Angelo - again, these doubts were based on an error. Now it was my turn to tell the others, because Prof. Menning had given me the relevant book.

Leben des Benvenuto Cellini, florentinischen Goldschmieds und Bildhauers, von ihm selbst geschrieben. Übersetzt und herausgegeben von Goethe, 1818

Parts of the autobiography by the Florentine sculptor and goldsmith Benvenuto Cellini (1500-1571) have been translated by Johann Wolfgang von Goethe^⁵⁷ (1749-1832). What I found most interesting in Cellini's book is his description how he, being imprisoned under Pope Paolo III (Alessandro Farnese; Pope 1534-49) on Castel S. Angelo (after 1535 and before 1537), managed to escape. That happened some early morning in 1539. He used a linnen rope fixed to a crenellation of the castle, and when standing on one of the terraces of Castel S. Angelo looking down, I could not imagine how on earth you can create from your bed sheets (in a prison!) a rope long enough to reach the ground. Reading this text again when preparing my talk, I realized he describes his bed (a "Strohsack" translates Goethe), a straw pallet, but no bed sheets, and also that he only mentions `linnen´, without telling us, how he had gotten hold of this material. Anyway, after reaching safely the ground, he has to climb over another wall. Miscalculating its height, he jumps off too early, breaking his right foot. Unable to walk, he crawls towards the Borgo (the still existing city quarter immediately adjacent to the Papal Palaces `in the Vatican´ which are surrounded by walls that are today the boundaries of the Vatican City), hoping to reach the palace of the Duchess, the natural daughter of the Emperor (scil. Karl V). But before Cellini can get there, a servant of Cardinal Cornaro recognizes him in the street. As a result of this, Cardinal Cornaro, who lives in the Papal Palaces, hides Cellini for some time and a medical doctor takes care of his broken foot.

Cellini's text can be read under many different perspectives, mine back in 1972 was concentrated on the description of the castle and of its surrounding area. First of all Cellini's escape - although his description of the procedure is very detailed, we could not verify it on site. Because his book was published in his lifetime, we thought that his description should have sounded convincing to his contemporaries. But because Castel S. Angelo and its surroundings have been changed so much since then, we simply gave up on that point. The next thing I wanted to know back in 1972 was: where exactly did Cellini want to go? At the time, none of us could solve this problem, because we did not know where in the Borgo the palazzo of the Duchess mentioned by Cellini was, what the Papal Palaces looked like at his time, let alone where exactly Cardinal Cornaro had resided.

The etching on Fig. 9^⁵⁸ shows a curious marble monument in Rome, the `Porta Magica´ (`Magic Gate´). It is so named because of its inscriptions in Latin and Hebrew as well as its seven signs, each of which represents a planet and a metal and is accompanied by a motto, written in Latin. Both the motti and signs express alchemistic beliefs, and individually, as well as in their entirety, they have magical meaning(s). Thanks to this `Porta Magica´, the foreigner Christina of Sweden has even made it into the folklore of Rome.

The `Porta Magica´ was commissioned (presumably in 1680) by Marchese Massimiliano Palombara (Roma 1614 - Roma 1685) for his Villa on the Esquiline. He was himself the author of the texts incised in the `Porta Magica´ and also of its entire iconographic programme, in addition he made his Villa `his preferred meeting place with the foremost scholars of his day´ - facts, none of which the reader would expect when hearing the folklore version of the story, to which I will come below. Marchese Palombara was an alchemist, Christina of Sweden was also an expert in alchemy^⁵⁹ and Marchese Palombara was her gentiluomo (`gentleman´; scil. in her service) since 1655/1656, when the abdicated Queen had put up residence in Rome for the first time.

When in 1981 I first read Lanciani's below quoted account on the `Porta Magica´, I wanted to know, where exactly the Villa Palombara was, that was not marked on any map known to me at the time, and where exactly within this Villa had been Marchese Massimiliano Palombara's laboratory, in which he had allegedly tried to make gold. This case-study would have ended like all the previous ones of 1972, told in this Part II of my talk so far, had not the scholars of the Comune di Roma/ Roma Capitale - and at The British School at Rome - taught me the relevant methodology, with which problems of this kind may be solved. With this story about Christina of Sweden ends my talk, and in a certain sense this example is a combination of both of its Parts.

The small size^⁶⁰ of this gate (Figs. 9-11) and the text of the Latin inscription on its architrave show that the `Porta Magica´ was the entrance to a `magical garden of the Hesperides´, where according to this inscription the golden fleece was kept. This unusual combination of two ancient myths shows that Marchese Palombara knew an ancient tradition, according to which gold can artificially be made by applying certain chemical operations. Marchese Palombara himself wrote that `in his Villa there was a grotto and a palisade surrounding the golden fleece´^⁶¹. His grotto was, as Marchese Palombara wrote, `the cave of Mercury, the most beautiful place in the world´^⁶². According to the belief of alchemists, the `cave of Mercury´ contained the treasure given by God to humans to heal them from all illnesses, the lapis philosophorum. This treasure comprised seven metals; the `Porta Magica´ refers also to seven metals. Besides, the `golden fleece´ (which could also be understood as a book of wisdom) and the `philosopher's stone´ could have identical meanings for alchemists. The signs of the seven planets/ metals on the `Porta Magica´ could also have an eschatological meaning, hinting at the `journey of the soul´, as imagined by alchemists. The aim of `alchemy or transformation magic´ was to follow a prescribed `path´ with the aim of self-realization. The audience for the inscriptions of the `Porta Magica´ must have been `initiated´ people; Massimiliano Palombara himself is believed to have been a member of a secret brotherhood of alchemists called Rosacroce (Rosenkreuzer, Rosicrucians). Members were initiated and according to their own theology lived to serve humans, predicating altruism. The assumption that Marchese Palombara was a Rosicrucian, a brotherhood, to which many now famous scientists belonged, could explain the assertion that his Villa `was the preferred meeting place of the foremost scholars of his day´. By erecting his `Porta Magica´, Marchese Palombara thus invited people to enter his garden of the Hesperides, where they could conquer like Jason the golden fleece, meaning that they could begin the self-transformation process that was the aim of alchemy, in which the ultimate state of personal perfection was compared with gold. The `Porta Magica´ may therefore be regarded as an example of spiritual alchemy rather than of the operative one. But Marchese Palombara had also owned an inscription relating to the production of gold, which was found within the area of his former Villa in the course of the `excavations´ in 1874.

The folklore version of these proceedings, told by Rodolfo Lanciani, who based his account on Francesco Cancellieri^⁶³, knows nothing about the magical garden of the Hesperides with the golden fleece within Villa Palombara, to which the `Porta Magica´ once belonged. It (erroneously) asserts instead that Marchese Palombara put up the `Porta Magica´ on the public road Strada Felice/ Via Sistina that bounded his Villa in the north (Figs. 12; 14), close to the main entrance of his Villa, in order to `publish´ its content that he allegedly did not himself understand - hoping some future passer-by would possibly explain the content to him. The folklore version of the story asserts that these inscriptions contain the recipe to make gold.

Lanciani wrote: the area on the Esquiline, the ancient history of which he had discussed on the previous pages, "acquired fresh notoriety in 1620, when they became the property of the Marchesi di Palombara and the scene of their mysterious meetings with Christina, Queen of Sweden^⁶⁴, then engaged in the follies of necromancy, and in the search for the philosopher's stone and perpetual motion. Contemporary chronicles relate how the queen, having taken up her abode in Rome in 1655, set up a laboratory for experimenting in occult sciences, with the help of the most distinguished alchemists of the age. One day a youth ... presented himself before the queen, and asked permission to work in her laboratory, in order to investigate the manner of making gold. Having obtained this, he presented himself again to the queen, after a few days, telling her that he had need of going in search of a certain herb, in order to complete the operation, and entreating her to grant him a hiding-place in which to deposit during his absence two vases of a liquor which, mixed with the herb, would become gold". Because the young man did not return, the Queen "caused the hiding-place to be opened by force, and found the liquor solidified into gold in one vase and into silver in the other". Marchese Massimiliano Palombara, "a famous alchemist", when hearing this story, made fun of the Queen "for having allowed such a master in this art to escape without revealing his secret. The marquis was then occupying his Esquiline villa, where, one morning in 1680, he saw an unknown person enter the gate on the side of the Via Merulana [see Fig. 12], and examine attentively the ground, apparently looking for some mysterious plant. Surprised by the servants, the pilgrim declared that he was in search of an herb of marvellous virtue, and that, knowing how much interested the proprietor of the villa was in the art of making gold, he wished to demonstrate to him that the work, though difficult, was not impossible".

The Marchese then invites the `pilgrim´ to demonstrate his work in his own laboratory in his Villa. Lanciani continues: "The pilgrim crisped and pulverized the herb gathered in the garden, threw it into the crucible, which was full of a mysterious liquor, and promised his host that on the next morning not only would the process be completed, but the secret should be revealed to him". On the next morning the `pilgrim´ had disappeared. "The guest had however liberally kept his promise, for not only from the broken crucible had flowed upon the pavement a long stream of the purest gold, but on the table lay a roll of parchment, upon which were traced and written various enigmas, which, says Cancellieri, no one has been able up to this time to explain, nor ever will. The Marquis Palombara caused a memorial of the mysterious pilgrim, and the recipes left by him for the manufacture of gold, to be cut in marble and exposed to the eyes of the public ..." (meaning the `Porta Magica´ with its inscriptions). Anna Maria Partini asserts that according to Francesco Cancellieri the `pilgrim´ had transformed lead into gold^⁶⁵. She concludes: `obviously Marchese Palombara had to keep silence not only about his hermetic activity (to avoid charges from the authorities of his time that were hostile against such doctrines), but also about his secret knowledge of how lead could be transformed into gold, perhaps even performed in practice, for which the Porta Magica has become the symbol over the centuries´^⁶⁶. Lanciani continues: "I remember having seen this curious document of human idiosyncrasy in my youth ... The door was covered with strange symbols in Latin and Hebrew letters, and astronomical and cabalistic signs of obscure signification; and every week ... the Magic Gate witnessed an assembly of aged and filthy beggars, trying to get the key to the meaning of the signs, and secure a good >estrazione< [`extraction´] from the weel of fortune"^⁶⁷ - with n. 1: "The public lottery is drawn every Saturday ..."^⁶⁸.

After my talk I found out that the `herb gathered by the >pilgrim< in Marchese Palombara's Villa´, that he had (allegedly) used to produce gold, is the well-known "Chelidónium majus L., Papaveraceae" (Fig. 13), called in English "Celandine", in Italian "Cinerognolle ... celidonia", and in German: "Schöllkraut"^⁶⁹.

The position of the `Porta Magica´, as related in this folklore version of the story, is known from a documentation of 1806^⁷⁰. The Englishman John Henry Parker (London 1806 - Oxford 1884) stayed in Rome from 1864-1877 and the photographs he commissioned and then sold in the collection Photo Parker are today of the greatest scholarly importance. Not surprisingly, given Parker's encyclopaedic interests, the Photo Parker showing the `Porta Magica´ in situ (Fig. 10)^⁷¹ is the only immediately published one that we have of this situation. After the expropriation of the Villa Palombara in 1873, which was then destroyed to make space for the new city quarters on the Esquiline, the `Porta Magica´ was removed in 1876^⁷² from its previous place and (in 1888) put on display in the garden on the newly created Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II. Fig. 11 shows the `Porta Magica´ after its recent restoration that occurred in 1989^⁷³. In this installation of the late 19^th century, the `Porta Magica´ is flanked by two modern marble statues of the Egyptian god Bes that had been `excavated´ in the 19^th century on the Quirinal^⁷⁴.

The `Porta Magica´ appears in a Rome guide for children under the rubric: "Sprechende Steine", where an interesting interpretation of its meaning and installation is offered: "Porta Magica. Dieses alte >alchemistische Tor< steht in einem Park in der Nähe des römischen Hauptbahnhofs. Es heißt, wenn man die geheimnisvollen Inschriften an der Tür richtig deutet, gelangt man durchs Tor in ein unbekanntes Reich. Die Wächter vor der Porta stellen den ägyptischen Gott Bes dar"^⁷⁵.

The Archivio di Stato di Roma owns a report concerning the expropriation of Villa Palombara in 1873 comprising very detailed information concerning this Villa, its Vigne (`vineyards´) and all pertaining buildings^⁷⁶. The area in question is visible on numerous old maps since the 16^th century. The same topographical features and buildings that appear on the maps contemporary to Marchese Massimiliano Palombara still appear on G.B. Nolli's large Rome map (1748)^⁷⁷ and some still in the `Catasto Pio-Gregoriano´ (drawn 1819-1824; published 1866)^⁷⁸. Because of the well known precision of his map, I copied those cartographic details from Nolli's map. Fig. 12 shows the Villa Palombara and adjacent to the south the Vigne Palombara. As the map Fig. 12 shows, there were altogether four buildings within Villa Palombara that have on the `Catasto Pio-Gregoriano´ the numbers 318, 319, 320 and 323^⁷⁹. Fig. 12 shows to the west of the Villa Palombara the "Orto del duca di Acquasparta"^⁸⁰ (= Villa Caserta). I have marked this estate here as well, because four of the ancient marble statues of Muses, once in the possession of Christina of Sweden, had been found there^⁸¹. Fig. 14 shows my diachronic map^⁸². The research, on which this map is based, has shown that the four buildings that existed within Villa Palombara at Marchese Massimiliano's time had been accommodated in ancient structures^⁸³ - which is why their ground-plans are drawn red on my maps. It is interesting to note that neither Marchese Palombara, who owned ancient inscriptions^⁸⁴, nor Christina of Sweden, an important collector of ancient art, nor any of the `foremost scholars of the day´, who frequently met with Marchese Palombara in his Villa, took an interest in the ancient history of this site which was to yield an enormous quantity of archaeological finds in the centuries to come^⁸⁵.

On Fig. 14 the two known locations of the `Porta Magica´ are indicated by the relevant asterisk, labels: * "Porta Magica" (1806); * "Porta Magica". The location of the `Porta Magica´, documented in 1806, is the situation shown on the Photo Parker Figure 10 and described by Lanciani in the just quoted text^⁸⁶. More to the north appears on Figure 14 the current location of the `Porta Magica´ on the Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II, a situation visible on the photograph Figure 11.

We may wonder - as I have only realized after my talk - whether the `cave of Mercury´, that Marchese Massimiliano Palombara himself asserted to have had in his Villa, actually existed until the very moment in the late 19^th century when his former estate with all its buildings was (almost) completely destroyed. I am referring to an ancient building comprising an accessible underground chamber with a natural spring that one could duely have called a cave or a grotto - as he himself had called his `cave´^⁸⁷. As we know from old maps this architecture was visible above ground at Marchese Palombara's time and has the number 318^⁸⁸ on the `Catasto Pio-Gregoriano´^⁸⁹; cf. Figure 14, labels: H; 9; 318 Natural spring; Marchese M. Palombara's "cave of Mercury"? It appears on the plan drawn by Costantino Sneider (Konstantin Schneider?) in the late 19^th century^⁹⁰, from which it was copied into recent maps where it is marked with the number "9"^⁹¹. Remains of it were rediscovered in a recent excavation (in the relevant plans it is marked "H")^⁹².

To conclude^⁹³, facts and stories like those presented in this talk are the reasons for me to draw digital maps of Rome. These maps show both the ancient and the current topography, as well as buildings and roads of the post-antique phases of the city: many of these topographical features have disappeared in the meantime, and some buildings have either been renamed or adapted to different uses. These maps, together with texts and a database, are also published free access on the internet. Printouts of these maps can be used on site, or interactively researched on computer.

* The first draft of the `long´ version of my paper, delivered at the Symposium, dates from December 24^th, 2012 (cf. <http://www.rom.geographie.uni-muenchen.de/publications/haeuber_rome_memories.html>; later additions refer to works that were published in the meantime). The here published text is a `short´ version of it. I wish to thank the following individuals: Karina Türr and Lavinia Cozza for providing me with portrait photographs of Wilhelm Menning and Lucos Cozza respectively, and for kindly granting me the permission to publish them; Franz Xaver Schütz, whom I thank for discussing this text with me, has also taken photographs for me; Amanda Claridge supported my work thanks to her much appreciated `telephone-help-line´; and Gordon Winder has revised the English of my text. Valerie Scott, Francesca Deli and Beatrice Gelosia (the librarians of The British School at Rome [BSR]), Ruth Lucy Toepffer, and my colleagues at the LMU München, Maria Beck, Andrea Beigel and Monika Popp, as well as Ingo Herklotz (Universität Marburg) and Esther P. Wipfler (Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte München), provided me with books and references. The Photo Parker 961 shown here is kept in the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI), Abteilung Rom and is published with kind permission. I also thank Thomas Fröhlich (the Direktor of the library of the DAI Rom), who was so kind as to scan for me from the copy of the book in this library the "Titelvignette" in F. Cancellieri (1806) that shows the `Porta Magica´ (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Abteilung Rom, Bibliothek, Sig. R 119 e Mag), and for granting me the permission to publish it.

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Fig. 6. Map showing the Capitoline Hill and the Forum Romanum. C. Häuber, "AIS ROMA".

Fig. 7. Map showing the toponyms Velia, Carinae, Mons Oppius and Fagutal. C. Häuber, "AIS ROMA".

1 Cf. the contribution by F.X. Schütz in this volume, pp. 108-127; and Häuber 2014, pp. XV-XIX. The information system "AIS ROMA" is based on the object-oriented software "FORTVNA", into which functionalities of 3/4D-GIS are incorporated. This Franz Xaver Schütz and I developed for the purpose ourselves in the research project FORTVNA (1994-2001).

4 Düsseldorf October 11^th, 1927 - November 18^th, 2008 Düsseldorf; cf. Kurt Sandweg, p. 35. I thank Martin Goppelsröder who was so kind as to present me with a copy of this book.

6 This exhibition was shown at the Niederrheinisches Museum Duisburg in 1972/73. While in Rome, I had inter alia made drawings of the `Esquiline Venus´, a Roman marble statue in the Musei Capitolini, and, because I could not capture its ethos, decided to study Classical Archaeology as a second major.

11 Cf. Ferrea 2006, pp. 45-46 with ns. 11, 12, fig. 9: "Il rilievo realizzato in seguito da Lucos Cozza nel 1948, pubblicato nell'edizione del complesso del 1960 [with n. 11: "PM (i.e. Pianta Marmorea), pp. 175-195, tav. LXI"] (fig. 9), costituisce indubbiamente un insostuibile strumento per la ricostruzione della pianta marmorea, con la precisa indicazione e descrizione di tutti gli elementi presenti sulla parete laterizia, primi fra tutti i fori per le grappe che sostenevano le lastre, che consentono di ricavarne la tessitura", with n. 12: "Una ripresa fotogrammetrica della parete è stata eseguita in tempi recenti per conto della Sovraintendenza Comunale con la supervisione di Susanna Le Pera e Luca Sasso d' Elia". The results have been shown and discussed by S. Le Pera in her talk at the Symposium, see in this volume, pp. 68-87; cf. Tucci 2004, p. 185 with n. 1. For details of the Severan marble plan, cf. in this book E. La Rocca, pp. 23-39, figs. 1; 7.

19 Wiseman 1987-2014; cf. his contribution in this volume, pp. 3-22, as well as the contribution by J. Lipps; cf. pp. 153-160; E. La Rocca in: La Rocca et al. 2008, pp. 226-241; Coarelli 2012, p. 577 s.v. Casa di Augusto, p. 587 s.v. Tempio di Apollo.

26 Häuber 2005, pp. 23-34, figs. 2-5; cf. for the text `Pirro Ligorio 1528´, mentioned here, op.cit., p. 30 with n. 155, where it is quoted verbatim; cf. for `P. Pensabene (personal communication)´, op.cit., p. 31 n. 161; there are also discussed `R. Delbrück 1907, C. Reusser 1993, H. v. Hesberg 1995, and P.L. Tucci 2005´. I have shown in my talk the drawings after these architectural fragments published by Delbrück 1907-1912, I, pp. 44-46, Abb. 41-42; cf. II, Taf. 3.

31 Cf. Häuber 2005, p. 32 with ns. 180, 181: "Diese beiden Kirchen [scil. S. Salvatore de Statera and S. Stefano `de Fovea´] sind nun nicht etwa identisch, denn sie werden beide im Pariser Kirchenkatalog von ca. 1230 genannt", `these two churches are not identical, since both are mentioned in the Paris catalogue of churches of ca. 1230´ (with references).

36 Cf. F. Coarelli, "Argei, Sacraria: Regio II - Esquilina, 1.", in: LTUR I (1993) 123; id. 2001; Häuber, Schütz 2004, pp. 110-113; Häuber 2014 (cf. supra, n. 35).

39 Cf. Häuber 2013, pp. 152, 155, fig. 1, labels: PORTA ESQUILINA; FIGLINAE; ARCH. SIEDLUNG; FAGUTAL; ead. 2014, pp. 387-390 cf. p. 366, Map 3, map in inserted box (= here Fig. 5), labels: ESQUILINE; PORTA ESQUILINA; FIGLINAE; archaic settlement; FAGUTAL.

48 We have formulated many of the involved problems in a "Topographisches Manifest" (topographical manifesto); cf. Häuber, Schütz 2004, p. 109; Häuber 2013, pp. 150-152.

50 Buckley 2011, pp. 210ff. For her entry through the Porta del Popolo, cf. T. Bovi in Di Palma et al. 1990, p. 16; Biermann 2012, pp. 10-11, fig. 1, pp. 81-82, cf. passim and esp. pp. 14-82 (for her abdication); TCI-guide Roma 1999¹⁰, pp. 698-699.

51 Cf. De Rossi, Maffei 1704; Türr 1971. Most scholars (erroneously) assume that all eight statues were found in the Villa Hadriana near Tivoli. In reality four of them were found in the Horti of Maecenas on the Esquiline in Rome; cf. Häuber 1991, pp. 194-207; ead. 2014, pp. 518-521, 524-530, figs. 13; 14 and infra, n. 81.

58 Cf. M. Gabriele, in: Cardano 1990, fig. on p. 27; N. Cardano, in: Cardano 1990, front cover, p. 99 with n. 4. For the `Porta Magica´ and Marchese Massimiliano Palombara, cf. Pirrotta 1979, esp. pp. 27-30; S. Rotta, in: Di Palma et al. 1990, pp. 106-107 with n. 16; Cardano 1990; Gabriele 2014. The following is discussed in detail in the `long´ version of my talk, cf. infra p. 62 n.*.

60 Cf. V. D'Urso, in: Cardano 1990, p. 39: "Attualmente [on the Piazza Vittorio Emanuele II, see here Fig. 11] la porta si trova ad una altezza di metri 2,35 dal suolo ed ha una ampiezza di metri 1,33".

63 Cf. Lanciani 1901, pp. 225-229; on p. 225 he quotes Cancellieri 1806, p. 42, n. 2; for the single quotations, cf. the `long´ version of my talk, infra, p. 62 n. *.

65 A.M. Partini, in: Cardano 1990, p. 29 with n. 3, quoting Cancellieri 1806, pp. 42-49, where this is not explicitly stated, as I could verify in the Library of the BSR on December 21^st, 2012.

74 Cf. N. Cardano, in: Cardano 1990, p. 105 n. 31; P. Masini, R. Santangeli Valenzani, in: Cardano 1990, pp. 111-115; P. Rockwell. in: Cardano 1990, pp. 117-119, Tav. 8-10.

77 So also Pirrotta 1979, pp. 15-16, 32 (with a map of the Villa and Vigne Palombara, drawn after Nolli's map). For Nolli's map, cf. S. Le Pera in this volume, pp. 68-87.

82 For an earlier version of this map, cf. Häuber 2014, Map 3.

online at: <http://www.rom.geographie.uni-muenchen.de/horti/maecenas/hm_map6.html>.

85 For the ancient history of the area, cf. the important studies by J. Bodel, and his contribution in this volume on pp. 177-195; for the relevant references and the archaeological finds that have occurred in this area, cf. supra, ns. 37-38.

88 Häuber 1990, p. 73 n. 214: "ASR Camerale III Roma Palazzi e Ville b 2100 1840-1878 Villa Massimo (Villa Palombara e Villa Giustiniani) no. 5, >L'anno 1873 li 21 Gennaro< [expropriation of Villa Palombara, owned by Principe Don Camillo Massimo; cf. Cardilli-Alloisi 1983, p. 256 with n. 9], op.cit., p. 16 no. 2 [= `Catasto Pio-Gregoriano´ no. 318]: >Fabbricato a destra del Viale maestro, ed in prossimità dell'ingresso sulla via di S. Croce [= Strada Felice / Via Sistina] ... Si eleva sopra una pianta di figura semiesagona sopra ruderi antiche, nei quali è ricavato anche un piccolo sotterraneo, al quale si accede per una scala esterna. E composto di un androne con pavimenti selciato di bastardoni in calce, e ricoperto da volta a botta, ha le pareti intonacate, ed a destra un pozzo con acqua sorgiva".

HÄUBER, C. 2015, Rome: the city of memories. Or, why and how reconstruct and visualize ancient and post-antique Rome using digital technologies? The "AIS ROMA", diachronic and phase maps of (ancient) Rome in the WWW Long version 2015, München. The International Symposium Reconstruction and the Historic City: Rome and Abroad an interdisciplinary approach, 17.-19. Oktober 2012, LMU München, Deutschland, pp. 1-62.

GABRIELE, M. 2015, La Porta Magica di Roma simbolo dellʹalchimia occidentale (Biblioteca dellʹ <<Archivium Romanicum>> Serie I: Storia, Letteratura, Paleografia 444) (Firenze: Leo S. Olschi Editore).